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Commentary of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the tax reliefs and exemptions planned under the “Polish New Deal”

Warsaw, 2nd November 2021

Commentary of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers
on the tax reliefs and exemptions planned under the “Polish New Deal”

This October, the Tax Foundation published its latest report on the tax-friendliness in OECD countries. In the 2021 International tax competitiveness Index, Poland was ranked 36th out of 37 countries[1]. It is not the first time that we came second from the bottom: last year, we achieved a similar result, and we were placed 33rd two years ago. Only in Italy, there is now a less friendly tax system. Therefore, there is no doubt that the urgent postulate of amendments to the tax law is justified, and one of the most important goals of these amendments ought to be the tax system simplification in order to make it both citizen- and entrepreneur-friendly. After all, it is no secret that the legal framework as well as its stability and transparency are some of the chief factors impacting economic development, the situation of domestic entrepreneurs, and strategic decisions regarding FDIs. For this reason, we decided to follow up on the tax system simplification to take place in Poland.

The “Polish New Deal” is a comprehensive economic programme shaped by the Polish government that has become a headline-grabber in recent months, and one of its main assumptions is to introduce a number of changes to the tax law. Some of the changes proposed will be welcomed with open arms and have been postulated for years, such as the increase in the tax-free amount and the change of its degressive character or the increase in the second PIT threshold. On the other hand, the draft acts contain a whole range of provisions that will be a blow to Polish enterprises and will bring more harm than good, for instance, the changes in the healthcare premium paid by entrepreneurs.

Another issue that we evaluate negatively is the introduction of numerous incomprehensible exemptions to general taxation in the form of tax breaks and reliefs. In our opinion, the rules on taxation of individual entities should be transparent, clear, and structured in such a way as to reconcile the interests of both the State Treasury and the taxpayer. This should be done without the need to create a long list of exemptions, the rules of which are in part incomprehensible, especially for an average citizen who is no expert in the field of tax law. On the official website of the Ministry of Finance, simplification packages for entrepreneurs are announced, and below we can read the full list of breaks and exemptions from the basic principles on which the tax system is supposed to be based. The catalogue thereof (with brief justification) is as follows:

  • R&D tax relief supporting conceptual work on a new product.
  • Prototype tax relief aiding the transfer of an idea into the language of practice and production.
  • Tax relief for innovative employees facilitating competition for specialists with key skills and competences.
  • Robotisation tax relief to facilitate the launch of a product-dedicated production line.
  • IP Box relief to reduce the burden at the stage of sales.
  • IPO tax relief along with investments in stock exchange debutants exemption to make it easier for Polish companies to enter the stock exchange market and find the investors they need.
  • Consolidation relief addressed to companies which, by merging with another entity, decide to save, e.g. their contractor, supplier or other business in need of support.
  • Expansion relief to enable double deduction of expenses on searching for new markets for Polish products.
  • Attractive tax rules for investing through VCs as an incentive to invest capital in innovative Polish enterprises and startup companies.
  • Modified and improved Estonian CIT – a modern taxation method that promotes investments and minimises formalities in tax settlement.
  • Relief for the return of employees and small business – a tax incentive to return with experience and capital gained abroad.
  • Lump sum for new investors – an incentive for entrepreneurs who have achieved success abroad to transfer their business management to Poland.
  • Favourable tax conditions for sponsoring activities to facilitate CSR activities of companies as well as celebrities in the worlds of business, culture and sports.
  • Capital return program – a proposal for those who have made risky tax decisions in the past and want to do business in Poland with a “clean slate”[2].

In view of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers, the proposed changes not only will lead to a greater complexity of tax regulations, but will also be the source of  additional legal risk. Each individual case where a specific tax break will have been applied will be associated with the risk of such a possibility being questioned by tax authorities. It may prove necessary to obtain individual tax interpretations, often resulting in legal disputes lasting many months, generating additional costs for entrepreneurs, but also unnecessary burdens on the tax authorities themselves. Creating incentives for the development of entrepreneurship in the form of a catalogue of tax breaks in the conditions of a dynamically developing economy, important in European terms, makes little sense. Many large entities operating in Poland pay close to no taxes, often as a result of tax optimisation. Small and medium-sized enterprises, however, need stable and clear tax rules much more than a wide range of tax reliefs. Meanwhile, the government proposes to significantly increase the effective public-law burdens by way of changes in the rules on healthcare premiums, on the one hand, while on the other, it creates a complicated system of tax reliefs, which entrepreneurs will most likely not be able to use without professional help of specialists, which translates into additional operating costs.

We are concerned that the changes proposed in the “Polish New Deal” will make the tax system, currently one of the most complex in the world, even less transparent. If the proposed reliefs are to positively affect the development any enterprises, it will be those from the tax advisory services sector. On those from other sectors of the economy, the changes might have the opposite effect.

 

See more: 02.11.2021 Commentary of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the tax reliefs and exemptions planned under the “Polish New Deal”

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[1] Tax Foundation, International tax competitiveness Index 2021.

[2] https://www.gov.pl/web/finanse/projekt-przepisow-podatkowych-polskiego-ladu-w-konsultacjach (date of access: 2nd November 2021)

Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the ‘Fit for 55’ package

Warsaw, 26th October 2021

 

Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the ‘Fit for 55’ package

 

While the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers does not question the necessity to care of the climate and the natural environment, the measures to be taken to that end should be of a sustainable nature and should therefore also take its socio-economic aspects into account.

In our view, the draft documents and legal acts constituting the ‘Fit for 55’ package presented for consultation are an expression of a purely ideological approach to combating climate change. The instruments and solutions provided for in them fail to guarantee the achievement of set goals. However, a tangible effect of their enforcement may be the impoverishment of European society and a reduction in competitiveness of the EU economy.

In the context of works undertaken to develop a European climate policy, the current state of the European energy system should also be taken into account, which is characterised by high instability and excessive dependence on third-party countries. Unfortunately, in the presented documents, we cannot find the balance between striving for a zero-emission economy and ensuring energy security for the entire EU.

The ‘Fit for 55’ package[1] is a set of interconnected proposals which together aim to ensure the implementation of the ambitious EU climate policy. The amendments proposed in the package cover not only the areas of climate and energy, but also such sectors as fuel, electricity, heavy industry, road transport, real estate, land use and forestry. Their main goal is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by 2030, in comparison to levels from 1990, and climate neutrality by 2050.

It is the belief of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers that the prepared strategy is excessively optimistic concerning the opportunities that the planned energy transformation may bring, and it disregards the considerable risks that arise due to the implementation of such radical reforms.

One should consider that the implementation of the instruments included in ‘Fit for 55’ (a significant part of which are of a fiscal or para-tax nature) will result in the loss of competitiveness of the European economy and thus a widespread impoverishment of EU citizens.

The introduction of such significant reforms without prior appropriate macroeconomic analyses that would take into account the impact of the ‘Fit for 55’ package on the economy of the entire EU as well as individual member states in the period up to 2030 and beyond can be viewed as slightly lacking vision. The presented documents also overlook the estimated social and economic impact, although it is obvious that the strategy being implemented will bring about significant economic changes for the EU population and enterprises.

The European Emissions Trading System (EU ETS)[2] – a speculative instrument to negatively impact other sectors of the economy

The EU ETS obliges issuers to obtain and redeem allowances to emit carbon dioxide (EU allowances, or EUA). Therefore, emission allowances are necessary for EUA installations to be able to conduct economic activity in their industry. These are, for example, combined heat and power plants that burn emission fuels.

The free pool of allowances that can be used by selected enterprises operating under the EUA system does not cover the entire market demand. For this reason, the system allows for secondary transactions whereby installations with a surplus of allowances can sell them to the party with a shortage, which is unable for various reasons to reduce emissions to the necessary minimum.

The nature of the CO2 emission trading system allows investors to join the transactions. They form the secondary group of EUA buyers. One should keep in mind that investors do not require an operating licence and thus allowances become one of the many products available on European financial markets. Investors are interested in purchase of instruments solely in order to gain profit (from arbitration, derived from price differences, or speculative on exchange rate differences) or, alternatively, to hedge themselves against unfavourable price changes. Such an emissions trading system leads to the formation of bubbles, increasing EUA prices. This, in turn, leads to the fact that companies emitting greenhouse gases incur increasingly higher costs for obtaining allowances, instead of allocating these funds to activities and investments reducing CO2 emissions.

Following the above-mentioned reasons, the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers negatively evaluates the functioning of the ETS system whose actual impact on reducing CO2 emissions remains limited. Therefore, we are equally critical of the proposed amendments to include maritime economy, road transport and real estate in this system.

CBAM[3] – protectionism may backfire on the EU

The introduction of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) at EU borders will in fact establish an additional customs duty on the import of certain goods. Such a solution will certainly be negatively perceived by the Union’s trading partners, who, in order to “maintain a sense of symmetry”, may decide to introduce retaliatory tariffs. Therefore, in our view, the introduction of a carbon tax would result, among other things, in an increase in domestic production costs due to the increase in the prices of imported semi-finished goods. On the other hand, retaliatory duties imposed by other countries would significantly weaken the position of EU exporters.

Moreover, apart from negative economic effects, CBAM may be of little benefit to the climate. While the European Commission claims CBAM will cut greenhouse gas emissions by 1%, the Cambridge Institute for Sustainability in its recent analysis estimated its impact at merely 0.023%[4].

Conclusions

The Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers in indeed aware of the necessity to act for the climate and the environment. We believe, however, that the European climate policy is ill-designed, as it only sets ambitious goals, and does not provide for effective ways to achieve them. Instruments that are intended to help take care of the environment are as a matter of fact short-sighted in their nature. In short term, they are likely to have a quick albeit non-lasting effect, yet in the long run they will prove devastating for the European economy and therefore for the entire Community.

For this reason, we are in favour prudent and reliable measures to achieve low-carbon emissions in the European Union. We oppose any and all actions that may cause harm to the competitiveness of European enterprises, as well as the widespread impoverishment. Consequently, we ought to ensure that reforms do not generate the risk of increasing poverty in terms of energy and mobility. In our view, the EU should, on the one hand, guarantee appropriate support mechanisms and a fair transformation of the fossil-fuel mining and energy sectors, and, on the other hand, should not limit investment opportunities, for example with the use of transition fuels, which significantly help to maintain the energy security of individual member states.

The current climate policy is to a large extent a set of penalties, restrictions and taxes. More emphasis ought to be placed on positive measures that will encourage CO2 emitters to invest and modernise. Deregulatory and entrepreneurial initiatives are what is needed to help Europe return to the global economic elite.

There can be no doubt that the EU could take more effective pro-ecological actions, while at the same time having a greater impact on shaping climate policies in third-party countries.

Find out more: 26.10.2021 Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the ‘Fit for 55’ package

***

[1] Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions ‘Fit for 55’: delivering the EU’s 2030 Climate Target on the way to climate neutrality (COM (2021) 550 final).

[2] Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Directive 2003/87/EC establishing a system for greenhouse gas emission allowance trading within the Union, Decision (EU) 2015/1814 concerning the establishment and operation of a market stability reserve for the Union greenhouse gas emission trading scheme and Regulation (EU) 2015/757.

[3] Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing a carbon border adjustment mechanism.

[4] https://www.cisl.cam.ac.uk/files/cbam_report.pdf

Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers with the largest social media reach among Polish business organisations

Warsaw, 28th October 2021

 

Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers with the largest social media reach
among Polish business organisations

 

We are pleased to inform you that, in the period from January to September 2021, the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers was the most visible entrepreneurs’ organisation in social media according to an independent media monitoring centre. Over these 9 months, the Union managed to generate almost twice the range of publications than its largest competitor. At the same time, Cezary Kaźmierczak, President of the Union, achieved by far the largest reach in social media among Polish business organisation leaders, achieving results almost seven times better than the runner up in the ranking.

Source: Newspoint Monitoring Mediów (combined total reach for Facebook, Twitter and LinkedIn – January-September 2021)

The Union vs the Competition – January-September 2021 (estimated reach):

C. Kaźmierczak (President of the Union vs other Business Leaders – January-September 2021 (estimated reach):

Thank you for your trust. Follow us on social media:

Positions, memoranda, reports and opinions of our experts on the most important economic issues, as well as up-to-date information on initiatives undertaken by Union are published online on an ongoing basis.

 

About the Union

Established in 2010, the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers is the fastest growing and most active organisation of entrepreneurs in Poland. Its members include over 52,000 companies, 16 regional and 21 industry organisations. Every year, the Union publishes more than 30 reports, studies, vidos and over 100 legislative commentaries, positions, and opinions. It organises numerous debates and meetings. The goal of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers is to change Poland into a country with optimal business conditions and the best tax system in Europe. The Union is an apolitical organisation supporting the free market and common sense, regardless of political divides. The Union is a founding member of the Social Dialogue Council and has an EU representative office in Brussels.

While we must defend our borders, we need immigration for settlement, not Gastarbeiter

Warsaw, 20th October 2021

 

While we must defend our borders, we need immigration for settlement, not Gastarbeiter

 

The key conclusion from a new report published by the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers today: the Polish policy on immigration ought to be based on a quota system and should provide for an easy path to obtain permanent residence and legal employment.

Experts of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers have long drawn attention to the fact that Poland is in need of a reasonable immigration policy, that is it not just a temporary necessity.

“As a result of a low total fertility rate, we are now facing a rather serious demographic problem, which affects the situation on the labour market, whereas in the long run, it will impact almost every aspect of the functioning of the state,” comments Cezary Kaźmierczak, President of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers. “To maintain our current economic growth, we simply have to accept the fact that we need immigrants.”

As the Union’s experts indicate in their report, problems related to demographics are the root of numerous short- and long-term challenges. The former are mainly related to workforce shortages in several sectors of the economy, while the latter are much more complex and are related, amongst others, to increasing burdens on the Social Insurance Fund or the healthcare system.

Unfortunately, the Polish immigration policy currently solely responds, and not in a fully effective manner, to the former. Its structural weakness is the consistent adherence to a model based on fast-rotating and short-term immigration.

“One could say that the model of immigration policy adopted in Poland is of a Gastarbeiter character,” continues Cezary Kaźmierczak. “Immigrants come for a short time, work hard and are then forced to go back to their country of origin. They have no serious connection to Poland. A couple of Western European countries had made that mistake, and we are, unfortunately, not learning from it.”

The system described above fails to meet the needs of employers and employees alike. The former group is looking for employees for a longer period, as they want to ensure the stability and continuity of their business operations. The other, in turn, often declares the willingness to leave their country for good, ergo they need a state with predictable and foreigner-friendly settlement procedures.

“Despite the fact that professional activity of immigrants in Poland remains one of the highest in the European Union, our adopted model of immigration is not up to date with society’s needs,” claims Jakub Bińkowski, Member of the Board of the Union and Head of the Law and Legislation Department. “Immigration is a value the state should not underestimate. Meanwhile, existing regulations are definitely in favour of fast-rotating immigration, which – while it does temporarily fill the gaps in labour supply – is not the answer to our development challenges in the long run.”

In their report, the Union’s experts indicated desired changes for the better in public policy. Above all else, the system should give preference to settlement and family immigration, enabling the acquisition of citizenship in the long term. A white and red card, highlighting Poland’s national colour, should serve as a physical confirmation of obtaining a long-term residence permit as well as legal employment. It should be issued for a period of 3 years at first and later, under certain conditions, should be extended indefinitely. To maintain control over the immigration process, the government should make a political decision regarding the number of immigrants from each country that the state will be able to accept over a given period.

“It goes without saying that we need immigrants,” concludes Cezary Kaźmierczak. “However, we must draw a line between legal and illegal immigration. We have a firm position on the latter – we have to make use of the experience of others and put to use a wide range of instruments: from physical barriers in the form of walls, through deportations of illegal immigrants to their country of origin, to a lifetime ban on re-entry to the Republic of Poland.”

 

Find out more: 20.10.2021 Report by the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers: Poland’s migration policy – necessary directions of changes

Joint Association letter on DMA – or don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater

Warsaw, 10 November 2021

 

Joint Association letter on DMA –
or don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater

 

We, undersigned organisations, appreciate the opportunity to share perspectives on the upcoming crucial negotiations on the Digital Markets Act. Our community supports all initiatives aimed at improving the position of European businesses and users. While we understand the need to address certain challenges related to digitization, we urge EU policymakers to take well-informed decisions and mitigate any harmful consequences for European SMEs, entrepreneurs and users.

At a declarative level, the DMA aims to ensure fair conditions for online competition and improve the welfare of European consumers. These are goals we share and support as they represent an added value to the EU internal market and are beneficial to European businesses and entrepreneurs.

We fear however that both Parliament and Council have failed in addressing the various and damaging unintended consequences that the DMA could have on European SMEs, entrepreneurs and users.

While acting as gatekeepers in certain identified cases, platforms play a crucial enabling role for European entrepreneurship as they serve as a key gateway to the EU internal market. Although policymakers believe that the DMA is just about large technological companies, they fail to consider that proposed changes will inevitably bear a downstream cost for business users and consumers of those platforms. The implementation of the obligations by the gatekeepers should not affect the quality, functionality and integrity of the services that small businesses currently  benefit from. It is therefore crucial to ensure that the DMA avoids unnecessary restrictions that would undermine the value of the digital economy for European businesses.

We are worried by proposals that would impose gatekeepers to subject business users and consumers to an infinite amount of consent requests. Clearly, there are instances when providing consent in line with GDPR is appropriate in light of the sensitivity of the information processed. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that according to GDPR, there are six equally valid legal bases for data processing. These options would not be available for gatekeepers, as they would be required to collect consent for literally every kind of data combination. This will inevitably disadvantage business users and consumers who will have to navigate through a significant amount of complexity and friction due to constant pop-ups and consent clicks.

Additionally, overly broad restrictions to combine data would deteriorate the scale and quality of services offered to SMEs, ultimately decreasing their volume of sales. The inability to combine data from various services, such as maps and search engines, will lead to a decline in the quality of targeted advertising, which serves as a basis for many entrepreneurs’ business models. Moreover, certain services, like maps and search engines, are used by SME’s and app developers as a very useful, sometimes indispensable functionality of their mobile applications or websites.

In our view, informing users in an intelligible manner and allowing a meaningful choice is a more balanced approach that would prevent many negative effects. This can be achieved by aligning the DMA to the GDPR and ensuring that the collection of consent is not too intrusive on the overall consumer or business user experience.

We are also overly concerned about proposals from certain Members of the European Parliament to put an outright ban on targeted advertising. While prioritizing data privacy and the interests of the users, policymakers are neglecting equally important needs of entrepreneurs, for whom targeted advertising is the only possible way to attract clients. A ban on targeted advertising will impact many local businesses and services as well as a wide range of start-ups, freelancers, artists and craftsmen. European SMEs cannot afford advertising in mass media, and this regulation will inevitably weaken their position vis-à-vis large companies.

Moreover, targeted advertising is already subject to discussion within the framework of other regulations currently negotiated at the EU level. Its’ introduction in the DMA creates a risk of overlapping and conflicting legislation. It also shows that DMA has become a victim of the ‘Christmas tree effect.’ Rather than focusing on improving the original proposal at its core, MEPs keep on adding baubles.

In light of the above, it is clear that DMA is wrongly perceived as a regulation, which will only impact the gatekeepers. SMEs across the EU rely on digital tools to sell their products and services. In an increasingly digital economy, the quality and innovativeness of digital tools are essential for European businesses to grow and thrive. At the same time, by focusing merely on the gatekeepers, DMA lacks more positive proposals on how to unleash Europe’s entrepreneurial spirit and innovation.

To conclude, while DMA aims to improve the competitive balance, it might degrade the quality of digital tools provided to European businesses and users, stifle innovation, deteriorate the position of European SMEs in relation to large companies, and hence throw the proverbial baby out with the bathwater.

 

See more: 10.11.2021 Joint Association letter on DMA – or don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater

Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the draft act implementing the system of Extended Producer Responsibility

Warsaw, 20th September 2021

 

Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the draft act implementing the system of Extended Producer Responsibility

 

The draft act amending the act on the management of packaging and packaging waste and certain other acts presented by the Ministry of Climate and Environment contains solutions that give shape to the Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) system to be implemented in Poland.

The obligation to implement solutions in the field of EPR, following the adoption of EU directives, aims to achieve specific environmental goals, including these in terms of recycling levels achieved for individual waste fractions. However, to achieve individual goals, it is essential to develop a measured and effective Extended Producer Responsibility scheme.

The Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers observes with concern that the EPR scheme provided for by the Ministry of Climate and Environment will not bring the desired results in terms of achieving environmental goals stemming from the ideas of circular economy or related to the European Green Deal. The sole effect of implementing EPR in the form presented in the draft act will be the increase in the burden on producers (by introducing a packaging tax), and as a result – another increase in prices.

In our view, the presented draft act in its current wording is not suitable for further proceedings. We call for the draft to be rewritten from scratch in the spirit of care for the environment and with the effectiveness of the system in mind; not to supply the public finance sector with additional revenue.

In connection to the above, the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers shares a number of comments to the current project, as well as proposals for the future, which will allow to design an optimal EPR scheme that meets the goals and needs of all stakeholders. One should also remember that the final beneficiaries of the system must be citizens and the natural environment.

I. Para-tax character of the proposed EPR scheme

Under the government’s proposal for the EPR system, entrepreneurs producing packaged goods (producers/manufactures) are to be reduced to the role of passive payers who have no real influence on the shape and efficiency of the system. However, this will not entail relieving entrepreneurs of responsibility for the system’s efficiency. A complete separation of responsibility for the result from the possibility of influencing the way the system works is obviously not in line with the basic assumptions of the Waste Directive.

The draft act does not even guarantee the correct application of the net cost principle, i.e. the solution provided for in the Directive (Art. 8a sec. 4  (a), first indent) that would allow the inclusion of the revenues obtained from the sale of the raw material collected by the system in introductory fees. It is an important mechanism that allows for fair settlement of costs incurred by entrepreneurs.

The above framework means that the designed EPR scheme has a para-tax character. Entrepreneurs will be charged with another public levy, which – as the legislator admitted in the explanatory memorandum – will be passed on to consumers.

Apart from the reservations to the cost and organisational effectiveness of the implemented solution, it is necessary to point out a factor important from the consumers’ point of view, which is the increase in the prices of packaged goods. Already now, Poland is one of the European leaders in terms of inflation. The introduction of EPR in the proposed shape will lead to an increase in prices of basic necessities such as food, hygiene products and cleaning products to name a few.

In the opinion of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers, in order to implement an optimal EPR scheme, it is necessary to take into account the demands of producers who have declared their willingness to actually participate in the waste management system, thus having a real impact on activities increasing the volume and quality of collected waste. We believe that the EPR system should maximise the synergy between the actions of individual system participants, therefore producers should be allowed to become really involved in the system’s operations.

II. Producers’ responsibility for insufficient recycling levels

To begin with, it should be noted that the draft act is imprecise and does not specifically name the party to be responsible for recycling packaging waste from households.

Importantly, as has been mentioned earlier, regardless of which group of entities will actually recycle waste, in the event of failure to achieve the assumed levels – producers will be financially liable and will have to incur a product fee. This leads to an irrational situation in which entrepreneurs, without any organisational responsibility for the recycling process – will be held accountable for results beyond their control.

In the scheme being implemented, producers are required to pay a packaging fee, and the revenues from this fee ensure the efficient functioning of the EPR system as well as the achievement of specific recycling levels. The product fee will be a punishment against entrepreneurs for ineffective activities of municipalities in the field of waste management. We believe that the responsibility of producers for achieving recycling rates, formulated in this way, is unacceptable.

It is worth emphasising that the constraint to pay the product fee by entrepreneurs is highly probable due to the fact that the draft act does not provide for any tools aimed at increasing the volume and quality of packaging waste collected by municipalities. For this reason, and also due to the lack of financial liability of municipalities for failing to achieve recycling rates, local governments may not be sufficiently motivated to organise efficient waste management systems. In practice, situations may take place where the financial costs borne by the introductory entities (including the packaging fee and the product fee) exceed the costs of packaging waste management, which in itself is contrary to the Waste Framework Directive.

III. Division of packaging waste streams

The draft act divides packaging waste into two streams: waste from packaging intended for households and waste from other packaging (including that generated by trade or services and industrial). This distinction is important, because it determines the obligations (in the field of packaging waste management of this type) of the entity introducing products in packaging intended for households, primarily in the scope of paying the packaging fee in the case of independent fulfilment of these obligations.

In the proposed act, packaging intended for households is defined as the packaging in which a product is placed on the market for use in households and other places where similar products in packaging are used. It seems that the proposed definition is so general that it makes it impossible to clearly determine how to define and distinguish packaging intended for households from others, coming from trade, distribution or industry.

We assume that the authors of the draft act decided to introduce such a distinction from specific recitals of the directive, because the proposed solution is not required by Art. 8a of the Framework Directive and thus constitutes an over-regulation on the part of the Polish Ministry. However, it should be noted that neither the explanatory memorandum to the draft nor the Regulatory Impact Assessment indicate how the above-mentioned distinction of waste streams would contribute to a better functioning of the EPR system.

The Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers fails to see sufficient reasons as to why the introduction of such a solution would be justified. In our view, leaving this provision in its current wording may lead to significant interpretation uncertainty, in particular with regard to introducing products in packaging that can be used by households, trade, services or industry alike.

Furthermore, the separation of waste streams may adversely affect the situation of entities introducing small amounts of products, mostly small and medium-sized enterprises. This, however, is in contradiction with Art. 8a sec. 1(d) of the Framework Directive, therefore we call for the removal of the separation of waste streams from the draft act.

IV. Allocation of the revenues from the packaging fee

The provisions regulating the allocation of revenue from the packaging fee also indicate the para-tax nature of the proposed EPR scheme. According to the contents of the draft act, as much as 80% of the proceeds from the packaging fee will be transferred to communes or associations of communes. However, according to Art. 3 sec. 4 point 12 of the project, local governments will be able to allocate the funds received to cover the costs of receiving, transport and collection of municipal waste referred to in Art. 1. 6r sec. 2 point 1 of the Act on maintaining cleanliness and order in municipalities of 13th September 1996.

The provision formulated in this fashion means that communes and associations of communes will be able to allocate the funds received not only to the management of packaging waste covered by the EPR system, but also to the management of all other municipal waste. Moreover, the draft act does not provide for any tools allowing for reporting of costs. Thus, post-factum determining what part of the funds was spent on the actual management of packaging waste covered by the EPR system may be very difficult in practice.

In the opinion of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers, the proposed regulation ought to introduce a restriction according to which local governments may allocate funds obtained from the packaging fee to the management of waste covered by the EPR system only. It feels unjustified to lead to a situation in which entrepreneurs finance the entire waste management system, including municipal waste. The lack of a link between the expenditure of funds obtained from the packaging fee and the real costs of packaging waste management absolutely violates Art. 8a sec. 4(a) of the Framework Directive.

V. Distribution of funds from the packaging fee between communes

As indicated in chapter IV of this document, the presented EPR scheme seems to be an extremely beneficial solution for municipalities (and their associations), as the revenues from the packaging fee will be a significant financial relief for local government finances.

In practice, however, it may turn out that some communes – at the expense of others – will receive funds disproportionate to their waste management needs. The above may occur due to unclear criteria for the allocation of funds obtained from the packaging fee.

The funds from the packaging fee are to be distributed among communes based on two criteria: the share of municipal waste prepared to be reused or recycled and the population index. These criteria will have different weights: 60% and 40% respectively.

It should also be noted that the criterion for municipal waste prepared for reuse and recycling has not been limited to packaging waste. Moreover, the indicator regarding the number of inhabitants is not sufficiently precise, as it does not indicate a specific source from which such data can be obtained or updated in subsequent years.

Designed this way, the system of dividing the packaging fee does not guarantee that communes will receive adequate funds for the execution of tasks related to waste management. The disbursement of funds is to be made on the basis of said criteria, but it is not known how the result obtained after calculating these indicators is to be used for the disbursement of the funds. Basing on the proposed regulations, it will therefore be possible to arbitrarily allocate funds to communes, also in an amount that does not correspond to the actual costs of providing services in the field of packaging waste management, which raises considerable reservations on the part of both communes and producers.

VI. Definition of packaged products’ introducer

The draft act introduces changes to the definition of “party placing packaged products on the market” by specifying the conditions for recognising retail enterprises introducing products in packaging. Such explanation is, however, insufficient and does not eliminate the uncertainty arising from the application of the amended provisions.

The act should also take into account different business models adopted by entrepreneurs, in which the producer is distinguished from the entity dealing with distribution. This applies, among others, to a wide range of companies operating in logistics, transport and e-commerce – all of which are developing sectors in Poland. Under the current regulations, qualifying the liability of a given entity is very difficult, as the definitions of the entity introducing products in packaging and placing them on the market are broad in scope, which prevents an unequivocal determination of the liability of a given entity.

Moreover, in our view, the proposed amendment ignores an important aspect of the functioning of entrepreneurs with regard to franchises implementing systemic solutions in line with circular or other pro-ecological initiatives. Groups of entrepreneurs associated in such networks, operating under the leadership and with the leading role of licensors (franchise operators), since they function within one economic organism which is similar to a corporation, should be able to jointly meet the criteria set out by the act in relation to obtaining the required levels of waste recycling, the content of recycled materials, possibility of separate collection and keeping a common system of records.

VII. Fee collection for processed waste in a circular economy

The definition of packaging intended for households does not distinguish between waste going to the enterprise’s circular economy management system that is to be recycled. While the intention of the legislator to impose a packaging fee on those placing products in packaging on the market in connection with the introduction of waste to municipal waste management systems is understandable, charging this fee for waste processed under the circular economy, which is a system much more efficient than municipal systems, is unjustified and contradictory with the directions of development established, for example, by Roadmap for transformation towards a circular economy, a resolution of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland of 10th September 2019, which assumes the implementation of a support system for enterprises whose business models operate in line with circular economy.

In relation to the above, Art. 18a of the draft act should be modified so that the method of calculating the due packaging fee takes into account the volume of waste recovered by the entity introducing products in packaging and recycled under circular economy, the volume of which should reduce the volume per which the fee is due.

VIII. Determining minimum remuneration for producer responsibility organisations in the form of a notice

Pursuant to the contents of the draft act, the remuneration that is due to producer responsibility organisations (PROs) for the execution of introductory obligations is to be specified in an agreement concluded between the PRO and the introducing party. The rates of remuneration resulting from the concluded contracts may not, however, be lower than the rates established by the minister responsible for climate and announced in the Public Information Bulletin. As is clear from the explanatory memorandum to the draft act: the minister will announce the minimum rates of remuneration in the form of a notice.

We must emphasise that announcing the minimum amount of remuneration for PROs in the form of a notice will constitute a violation of Art. 87 sec. 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. This provision contains a closed catalogue of sources of universally binding law, without mentioning a notice as a universally binding source of law. Therefore, the notice may not introduce norms of a general or abstract nature that would regulate the legal situation of an indefinite number of addressees.

Furthermore, the draft act does not indicate any range of amounts to be applied when establishing the minimum rates of remuneration. There is also no indication at all of any algorithm that the minister would use when setting these rates.

With this in mind, we ask for the minimum rates referred to above to be regulated at least by way of an ordinance or ministerial regulation, which would constitute an appendix to the proposed act. On the other hand, the act should contain (apart from the delegation to issue a regulation) a range of amounts or an algorithm that would be used to determine the minimum rates. It should be noted that it is impossible to comprehensively analyse the implemented EPR scheme without such important data as remuneration, which affects the costs of producers’ operations.

IX. Exclusion from the definition of hazardous substances

Art. 8 point 14(b) in the draft act is an important regulation, which is, however, limited to only one group of products. This provision excludes detergents from the definition of hazardous substances, and only them. At the same time, this exclusion does not cover a number of consumer packaging for non-detergents, such as air fresheners, repellents, disinfectants etc., which, when empty, do not pose a threat to the environment. We draw your attention to the fact that the composition of this type of products does not include substances classified as toxic or carcinogenic. Empty packaging ends up in the appropriate municipal waste streams, and the tiny leftover amounts of their contents do not have a more significant impact on the environment than the leftovers of other product categories. Moreover, it seems that the creation of an additional category of hazardous substances in relation to packaging waste is unjustified. The methods of dealing with waste which, due to its properties, create various types of hazards are described in separate regulations.

X. Problems with the application of the Act resulting from the adopted vacatio legis

Due to the construction of the draft act, the regulations it introduces are impossible to implement. The act is to enter into force on 1st January 2023, so the first packaging fee is to be paid by entrepreneurs introducing products in packaging intended for households by 15th February 2023. However, the rates of this fee must first be determined by a regulation that may not be issued on the basis of an act that has not yet entered into force, that is prior to 1st January 2023. Furthermore, the issuance of such a regulation requires a positive opinion of the council advising the minister competent for climate matters. This council also cannot be appointed before 1st January 2023, that is before the act enters into force. This construction of the draft act means that: either the minister will issue a regulation on the rates of the packaging fee on the basis of an act that is not yet in force or will issue it without consulting the council, or entrepreneurs will not pay the first packaging fee by 15th February 2023 as the regulation will not yet be issued (full legislative path) and the rates will not yet be accepted by the council.

Summary

Taking into account the commentary collected above, we believe that the draft act in the presented form is not entirely suitable for further proceedings. The prepared amendment contains numerous fallacies of a structural and systemic nature. As a result, the implementation of the EPR scheme in the shape proposed will not only fail to contribute to the achievement of environmental goals, but will also increase the costs of producers’ operations, which will directly translate into increased prices of basic products.

Importantly, the draft is inconsistent with the basic assumptions of the directive. It seems rather difficult to expect a correct implementation of Art. 8a of the Waste Directive. Thus, the enforcement of the act in its present wording will sooner or later result in the necessity to amend it, which will result in even greater legislative chaos and regulatory uncertainty among domestic and international enterprises.

Therefore, it is necessary to ensure that the implemented EPR scheme meets the needs of all stakeholders of the system, which can be achieved thanks to an even distribution of workloads and powers with regard to all stakeholders. It is also necessary to get rid of the para-tax aspects of the implemented system. As of now producers are treated only as payers of a new public levy.

To sum up, the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers appeals that works are commenced on a new EPR scheme, the framework of which and key solutions included in it will be developed in cooperation with all stakeholders involved in the system to be implemented.

 

See more: 20.09.2021 Position of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the draft act implementing the system of Extended Producer Responsibility

Opinion of the Chief Economist of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers: What’s coming up next with inflation?

Warsaw, 13th October 2021

 

Opinion of the Chief Economist of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers:
What’s coming up next with inflation?

 

The stress related to waiting for the next inflation readings has slightly eased. The Monetary Policy Council contributed to this state of affairs with their rather decisive, albeit delayed, decision to raise interest rates. This move resulted to some extent in restored credibility of the National Bank of Poland. Inflation readings in several countries of our region played an important role here: over the last month, they quite clearly exceeded inflation in Poland, thus signalling that it was not only a local problem. However, the risk of inflation remaining at least at the present level, or an even higher one, has not yet disappeared.

At the moment, a number of regulatory factors in Poland have a significant impact on the level of inflation. These include the so-called sectoral taxes (such as the sugar tax, the planned increase of excise duties etc.), rapid wage growth, post-COVID fiscal expansion, and persistently low real interest rates encouraging ill-considered and rash investments (for instance, on the housing market). However, it seems that what impacts the level of inflation to an even higher degree (and its ubiquity in Europe too) are factors of a supra-national nature, both those of a regulatory character and those resulting from the imbalance between supply and demand.

Inflation in Europe is driven in particular by rapidly rising prices of energy and energy resources. The prices of electricity, thermal coal and natural gas in Western European markets have reached very high levels. The reasons for such a state of affairs are twofold: the unrelenting imbalance on global markets (influenced by demand in Asia, increased for various reasons) and the European climate policy (both already in force and planned). Due to the market imbalance on a global scale, it is difficult to expect a lasting decline in gas and coal prices in the coming months (although some count on the Russian Federation to enforce a favourable policy on its natural gas which will flood Europe after Nord Stream 2 is put into use).

Quite surprisingly, Poland found itself in a fairly good situation. Both the size of conventional coal-based energy and long-term contracts for coal supplies from Polish mines that were concluded some time ago helped in this context. Since the share of energy in the Consumer Price Index (used to calculate consumer inflation) in CEE countries is relatively high compared to Western Europe, changes in energy prices are more noticeable here. Now, by complete coincidence, they have become an anchor that somewhat slows down the dynamics of inflation.

Nevertheless, it does not change the fact that with the persistence of both external and internal inflationary pressures, soon, or even now, inflation expectations may become a factor that maintains the unfavourable situation if not worsens it. We may still console ourselves, and some actually do so, that everything is fine, because wages are rising faster than inflation. But it would be best if we didn’t forget that we are close to finding ourselves in an entirely different situation: in which the rate of inflation may exceed wage growth. Then there will be even less justification for the current monetary policy, and it will become even more difficult to control the situation.

Moreover, stagflation, a concept that was invented during the oil crisis of the 1970s, is returning to use, though perhaps it is a bit of an exaggeration for the time being. It describes a situation where high levels of exogenous inflation persist despite recession, depriving governments and banks of some anti-crisis policy tools. Concern about stagflation as well as rising prices of energy and energy resources can be seen all over Europe.

Currently, skyrocketing energy prices in Europe, at least during the upcoming winter, seem inevitable. And irrespective of rising wage expectations and the risk of pro-inflationary impact of the next wave of expansionary fiscal policy, they will have a significant and difficult-to-control impact on the rise in prices. Particularly in this context, rushed proposals of regulations, such as the aforementioned sectoral taxes, are cause for concern, as they might increase the risk of further price increases. In winter, prices will almost certainly be high for reasons beyond our control. Therefore, the government should refrain from actions that are burdened with the risk of triggering an inflationary spiral.

 

Piotr Koryś, Ph.D.
Chief Economist of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers

 

See more: 13.10.2021 Opinion of the Chief Economist of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers: What’s coming up next with inflation?

Opinion of the Chief Expert on Energy of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the amendment to the Distance Act

Warsaw, 14th October 2021

 

Opinion of the Chief Expert on Energy of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers
on the amendment to the Distance Act

 

With growing concern, we have realised that the legislative proceedings with regard to the amendment to the so-called the “anti-windmill act” have significantly slowed down. The proposed changes to the regulations primarily aimed at liberalising the “10H rule”, according to which it is forbidden to locate wind farms next to buildings in a radius of less than 10 times the height of a wind turbine. This rule in its current wording is widely recognised as harmful to the investment potential of renewable energy sources. At the same time, it remains one of the most restrictive rules for locating wind farms in the entire European Union. In fact, this rule makes it impossible to invest on 99.7% of Polish land.

The prepared draft act amending the act on investments in wind farms and certain other acts was subject to extensive public consultations, during which stakeholders from all backgrounds and organisations involved in the development of green energy participated. This way, a consensus was reached aimed at bringing a significant investment impulse for the Polish RES market. It is therefore rather incomprehensible why the process of adoption of this amendment faces new obstacles and is so slow.

Awaiting the novelised provisions of the “10H act” are also state-owned energy companies, which have both the appropriate funds and RES investment opportunities. The planned separation of conventional energy sources and their transfer to the National Energy Security Agency (NABE – Narodowa Agencja Bezpieczeństwa Energetycznego) will result in a complete organisational and business shift of these entities towards green energy.

Further regulatory uncertainty is sparked by recent statements of Ministry of Development and Technology representatives, according to whom the draft amendment is not a priority for the central government. This may to a greater extent delay the implementation of the new regulations. Such an approach may indicate a failure to recognise the scale of problems taking place in connection with the application of the restrictive “10H rule”.

In our view, the amendment to the Distance Act is one of the most pressing issues the Polish authorities have to address in the context of the energy sector’s development. The aforementioned modification of the strict provisions will make it possible to execute RES projects– currently the cheapest source of electricity production – quickly and efficiently.

Furthermore, one should also pay attention to the growing energy deficit, an increasingly significant threat to domestic energy industry. Therefore, we feel compelled to stress that onshore wind energy together with large-scale photovoltaic sources can significantly reduce the growing deficit and simultaneously have a positive impact on energy prices on the Polish national market. In our opinion, the development of renewable energy sources is also important for the implementation of the Polish Hydrogen Strategy, as these sources will be of key importance for the development of modern technologies in the field of energy.

Companies owned in part by the Polish National Treasury and private investors alike had commenced investment projects in onshore wind farms that were later forced to stop in 2016 due to unfavourable provisions of the Distance Act. Liberalisation of the “10H rule” would allow for the completion of these projects, and thus would enable a rapid execution of modern, efficient and cheap energy sources with a capacity amounting to approximately 5 GW, which in our climate could provide up to 15 TWh (terawatt hours) of green energy per year after 2025.

Only then could our economy safely await green energy supplies coming from offshore wind farms, and there would be no need to make emergency or unprofitable purchases of green energy for industries exporting to European markets.

With all of the above in mind, we wish to appeal to the Ministry of Development and Technology to resume works leading to the adoption of the amendment as soon as possible, as it will enable quick investments in renewable energy sources.

 

Włodzimierz Ehrenhalt
Chief Expert on Energy of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers

 

See more: 14.10.2021 Opinion of the Chief Expert on Energy of the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers on the amendment to the Distance Act

Memorandum on the Digital Services Act

Warsaw, 17th September 2021

 

Memorandum on the Digital Services Act

 

Introduction

The Internet as we know it today has largely been shaped by the Directive on electronic commerce adopted in 2000, also known as the e-Commerce Directive. Since then, online platforms have been brought to life, e-commerce has developed, and social media have emerged, and along with them new challenges related to how the Internet is used. To respond to these challenges, the European Commission has recently launched a number of legislative initiatives, including the Digital Services Act, referred to as DSA. A draft of the DSA was submitted by the Commission on 15th December 2020 and the negotiation period began. On 3rd September 2021, the Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union presented a compromise text on which the following analysis is based.

In the foreseeable future, the DSA will amend the e-Commerce Directive and thus modernise the regulatory framework for the various Internet service providers. The Act can guarantee competition in digital markets under better conditions and may support business growth. At the same time, it is a major reform in terms of moderation and removal of illegal content on the Internet and introducing far-reaching changes to the way all actors on digital market operate.

In our view, the draft of the DSA requires certain modifications that will increase legal certainty, reduce disproportionate burdens on enterprises, and will actually support smaller entities. Before we move on to selected aspects of the DSA, however, we will place this new regulation in light of a broader trend to regulate the digital world. Next, we will discuss in this memorandum the three elements of the Act. First of all, we would like to point out that the DSA is not introducing any of the changes necessary to increase legal certainty in the context of the conditional exemptions from liability established by the e-Commerce Directive. Secondly, we will show that excessively detailed obligations in the context of reporting and removal of illegal content will worsen the ability of smaller players to compete. Thirdly, we will draw attention of the fact that the radical changes in digital advertising proposed by the European Parliament will have a negative impact on European consumers and entrepreneurs.

  1. DSA in the context of digital regulations

An appropriate regulation of the digital economy is a priority on the agenda of the world’s largest organisations, including the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and the European Union[1].

Over the past few years, many proposals have been made at the level of the European Union, aimed at regulating enterprises operating in the broadly understood digital world. The DSA is just one example of new regulations, including the GDPR, the P2B Regulation, the Regulation on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online (Terrorist Content Online Regulation, or TCO), the Digital Markets Act (DMA), and the Directive on digital services tax.

A large number of new regulations may lead to the risk of conflicts between legal acts. First, the terms and conditions for the removal of illegal content are elaborated on in the DSA, the TCO as well as the Directive on Copyright and the Regulation on explosives precursors. While the last two pieces of legislation have a narrower scope than the DSA, the essence of all three is the regulation of illegal online content and, importantly, all three establish different obligations and liability thresholds for Internet service providers (ISPs). Secondly, the relationship between platforms and entrepreneurs is a subject of not only the DSA, but also the P2B Regulation and the DMA. Above all, new regulations – the DSA as well as the DMA – were proposed before it was possible to thoroughly assess the effects of implementing P2B.

Furthermore, the multitude of new regulations is a source of definition-related and procedural difficulties, which consequently reduces legal certainty. For companies active in the digital sector, this translates into the need to incur high costs related to compliance with the new rules. Paradoxically, however, such a large number of new regulations may become a barrier to entry and growth for European SMEs, while large foreign entities will easily adapt their business models to a new reality.

  1. Conditional exemptions from liability for illegal content

One of the most important principles introduced by the DSA is the mechanism of conditional exemptions from liability for user-published content to be granted to providers of intermediary services. However, since the adoption of the old directive in 2000, new digital services emerged that have changed the way communicate, connect, consume and do business, and with them, doubts have arisen over the application of the directive. The European Commission has therefore committed itself to updating existing legislation[2].

The following section will analyse whether the draft DSA adequately addresses the interpretation problems regarding the liability exemptions established under the e-Commerce Directive. To this end, the following topics will be discussed: (i) terms and conditions of exemptions from liability for user-published content to be granted to providers of intermediary services; (ii) case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union in this respect; (iii) changes in the scope of liability of providers of intermediary services in the draft DSA.

  • Terms and conditions of exemptions from liability for user-published content to be granted to providers of intermediary services

Articles 12-14 of the e-Commerce Directive provide for conditional liability exemptions (so called “safe harbours”) for three types of intermediation services: mere conduit, caching, and hosting[3]. Moreover, Art. 15 of said directive prohibits the imposition of a general obligation to monitor intermediaries.

Mere conduit

Pursuant to Art. 12 of this directive, mere conduit is a service consisting in the transmission in a communication network of information provided by a recipient of the service, or the provision of access to a communication network. Liability in this case will be avoided if the provider of the service: a) does not initiate the transmission; b) does not select the recipient of the transfer; and c) does not select or modify the information contained in the transmission. Art. 12 sec. 2 specifies that the activities consisting in transmission and providing access specified in sec. 1 include the automatic, intermediate and transient storage of the information transmitted in so far as this takes place for the sole purpose of carrying out the transmission in the communication network, and provided that the information is not stored for any period longer than is reasonably necessary for the transmission. The conditional limitation of liability contained in this article, however, does not affect the possibility of a court or administrative authority of requiring the service provider to terminate or prevent an infringement

Caching

Art. 13 of the directive regulates “caching”, a service consisting in the transmission in a communication network of information provided by a recipient of the service. The service provider will not be liable for the automatic, intermediate and transient storage of the information transmitted performed for the sole purpose of making more efficient the information’s onward transmission to other recipients of the service upon their request, on condition that the service provider: a) does not modify the information; (b) complies with conditions on access to the information; (c) complies with rules regarding the updating of the information, specified in a manner widely recognised and used by industry; (d) does not interfere with the lawful use of technology, widely recognised and used by industry, to obtain data on the use of the information; and (e) acts expeditiously to remove or to disable access to the information it has stored upon obtaining actual knowledge of the fact that the information at the initial source of the transmission has been removed from the network, or access to it has been disabled, or that a court or an administrative authority has ordered such removal or disablement.

Hosting

Article 14 of the e-Commerce Directive defines hosting as a service consisting of the storage of information provided by a recipient of the service. The service provider will not be responsible for the information stored at the request of a recipient of the service, only if the service provider: (a) does not have actual knowledge of illegal activity or information and, as regards claims for damages, is not aware of facts or circumstances from which the illegal activity or information is apparent; or; (b) upon obtaining such knowledge or awareness, acts expeditiously to remove or to disable access to the information.

No general obligation to monitor

The last important element of the mechanism of conditional exemption is the absence of a general obligation to monitor established under Art. 15. Pursuant to this article, service providers are not required to monitor the information which they transmit or store, nor a general obligation actively to seek facts or circumstances indicating illegal activity. Such an injunction would risk excessive control over content and the removal of content that is legal but controversial, thereby censoring the Internet and hindering the freedom of speech.

At the same time, it should be remembered that neither conditional exemptions, nor the absence of a general obligation to monitor prevent intermediaries from being required to undertake appropriate steps against infringement of third party rights – by virtue of court orders or due diligence obligations[4].

  • case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the scope liability for user-published content to be granted to providers of intermediary services

There is widespread consensus that the conditional exemption mechanism is incomplete and presents a number of problems in its present form[5]. The following section discusses selected issues in this area, including: a subjective scope of application; the distinction between “active” and “passive” intermediaries; the effects of proactive measures; and the knowledge or awareness threshold for a conditional exemption.

Subjective scope of application

There are certain uncertainties as to the subjective scope of applying “safe harbours”. As has been noted, the conditional liability exemptions from the e-Commerce Directive do not apply to services provided by all intermediaries, but only to services that qualify as “information society services”[6]. Thus, this concept is a condition that determines the subjective scope of application of these safe harbours and shows the incomplete nature of the directive[7].

The Directive on electronic commerce does not include a definition of an information society service[8]. The definition in earlier Community legislation covers all services normally provided for remuneration, at a distance, by means of electronic devices for processing (including digital compression) and storage of data, at the individual request of the recipient. At the same time, recital 18 of the e-Commerce Directive states that “information society services are not solely restricted to services giving rise to on-line contracting but also, in so far as they represent an economic activity, extend to services which are not remunerated”.

In its case law, the CJEU applied Art. 14 of the directive to a search engine advertising service[9], sales on an online platform[10] and a social media platform[11]. Art. 12 of the directive has been applied to an ISP[12] and to an open Wi-Fi access service provider[13].

At the same time, the CJEU refused to qualify Uber’s services as those of an information society, thus negatively delimiting this definition[14]. In the Court’s opinion, a company providing a smartphone application that mediates between a passenger and a non-professional driver in booking a journey constitutes a transport service[15].

The distinction between “active” and “passive” intermediaries

The distinction between active and passive intermediaries is crucial from the perspective of service providers: passive intermediaries qualify for a conditional exemption from liability, but active intermediaries forfeit this privilege[16].

In some cases, determining whether a platform’s activity is active or passive is simple. The Papasavvas case of an online journal publishing company is a clear example of an active platform[17]. In the opinion of the CJEU, the company as a rule “has knowledge of the information posted and exercises control over that information”, and therefore cannot apply for conditional exemption from liability[18]. A good example of a passive intermediary can also be found in the case of Netlog, where the Court found that a social platform that stores information provided by users on its servers can make use of the “safe harbour”[19].

There is, however, considerable uncertainty as to the extent to which activities such as ranking building, indexing, sharing review systems, managing infrastructure and content hosted by platforms are actual control and thus an active intermediary role[20].

In this context, the connection to copyright is particularly important. The GS Media case concerned liability for linking to unauthorised content. The Court then held that “when the posting of hyperlinks is carried out for profit, it can be expected that the person who posted such a link carries out the necessary checks to ensure that the work concerned is not illegally published on the website to which those hyperlinks lead”[21]. Thus, the CJEU established a rebuttable presumption, which depends on whether or not the links were made for profit [22].

The effects of proactive measures

The e-Commerce Directive, as well as other legal instruments, urge intermediaries to step up their efforts to combat illegal or harmful content[23]. However, taking into account the aforementioned distinction between active and passive intermediaries and the lack of a general monitoring obligation under Art. 15 of the Directive, there are doubts as to what level of actions taken by platforms will not lead to the loss of the conditional exemption from liability[24].

A good example of this tension is the due diligence obligation in recital 48. It states that member  states have the right to require service providers “to apply duties of care, which can reasonably be expected from them and which are specified by national law, in order to detect and prevent certain types of illegal activities”.

The narrow understanding of due diligence indicates obligations “imposed by criminal or public law e.g. aid in investigation of crime or security matters, not as extending to duties under private law, e.g., to help prevent copyright infringement”[25]. In other words, due diligence may manifest itself in ex-post obligations, e.g. by removing content after gaining knowledge about its illegality, which, from the point of view of Art. 14 of the Directive, is not problematic, as well as in ex-ante obligations, i.e. measures that platforms must take before they become aware of the illegal nature of the content, which may result in the loss of conditional exemption from liability[26].

Nevertheless, member states retain the right to impose both types of obligations on platforms, and some ex-ante obligations are promoted by EU instruments, including “The EU Code of conduct on countering illegal hate speech online” of 2016 launched together with Facebook, Microsoft, Twitter and YouTube and signed by all these entities, the 2017 “Communication on Tackling Illegal Content Online” by the European Commission, and a Recommendation on measures aimed at the same goal[27].

Knowledge or awareness threshold for a conditional exemption

The case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has provided criteria to determine when a service provider is aware of the illegal nature of an activity or information. The ruling in the L’Oréal case requires the interpretation of the principles set out in Art. 14 sec. 1 “as covering every situation in which the provider concerned becomes aware (…) of such facts or circumstances”. Thus, the Court emphasised that intermediaries may benefit from the liability exemption when they perform a purely technical, automatic, and passive role[28]. Despite the efforts of the European Court of Justice, in a very limited number of cases, many interventions or actions, especially in terms of content moderation, remain in the grey area[29].

  • Changes in the scope of liability of providers of intermediary services in the draft DSA

As stated in the Introduction, the purpose of the DSA is to update the Directive on electronic commerce. It could therefore be assumed that solutions to the above-mentioned doubts would be among the most important priorities of the authors of the project.

Unfortunately, Articles 3-5 of the DSA replicate Articles 12-14 of the e-Commerce Directive, thus preserving the key problems that have arisen around the intermediary’s liability for content[30]. It should also be noted that the DSA uses the method of asymmetric regulation and imposes additional obligations on various entities. Thus, new regulatory layers are created that will lead to new interpretative doubts in the future.

The DSA seems to solve two minor problems. Firstly, the act was presented in the form of a regulation and not a directive. This means that it will be applied directly to the national orders of individual member states, thus avoiding the fragmentation of the digital single market. Secondly, the DSA includes a new Art. 6 for intermediaries’ liability which governs voluntary own-initiative investigations. According to it, intermediary service providers will not lose the possibility of exemption from liability due to carrying out “voluntary own-initiative investigations or other activities aimed at detecting, identifying and removing, or disabling of access to, illegal content”, or because they “take the necessary measures to comply with the requirements of Union law, including those set out in this Regulation”.

Even though the purpose of Art. 6 was to clarify the terms of liability, it raises a number of other doubts, especially in connection with additional obligations imposed on very large internet platforms.

At the same time, it is worth paying attention to the changes that were included in the compromise text presented by the Slovenian Presidency. Articles 3 and 4 remain unchanged; however, there are certain changes to Articles 5 and 6.

First of all, Art. 5 contains a new definition of online sales platforms, i.e. marketplaces. The very definition contained in Art. 2 (ia) defines marketplaces as online platforms that enable consumers to conclude distance contracts with entrepreneurs.

The proposed definition was intended to improve legal certainty, but leaves in our opinion much to be desired. A prerequisite for the recognition of a platform as a marketplace is the conclusion of a transaction between an entrepreneur and a consumer on a given platform. For example, if a consumer clicks on an advertisement for shoes on a newspaper’s website, it does not make the newspaper a marketplace. However, according to the currently proposed definition, this newspaper could be considered a marketplace, which would impose certain obligations on it.

Such a faultily constructed definition would be particularly severe in the face of an attempt by the European Parliament to introduce more stringent obligations for marketplaces. For example, one can recall the amendment introduced by MEP Alex Saliba regarding Art. 14a, according to which “marketplaces deserve special attention due to the large number of illegal activities detected on their Internet interfaces”, or additional provisions on marketplaces related to illegal offers proposed by, among others, French MEPs in Art. 22b. In our opinion, the above-mentioned amendments are attempts to differentiate responsibility due to the business model and constitute a departure from the general principle of asymmetric regulation based on the size of the enterprise. As a result, they can reduce legal certainty and increase the burden on entrepreneurs, and therefore should be assessed negatively.

Secondly, there is an amendment in recital 13 that extends the scope of hosting services to comments submitted to the platforms by users. In the compromise text proposed by the Slovenian Presidency, we read that “hosting comments on a social network should be considered an online platform service if it is clear that this is the main feature of the service offered, even if it is ancillary to the publishing of posts by service users”. In our opinion, such an amendment is technically impossible to implement. We draw attention to the fact that some user comments under live videos on online platforms are so-called live reactions. For this reason, it is not possible to monitor each transmission of this kind and investigate the users’ current reactions. Furthermore, the creators themselves usually have control over comments on their videos. They are free to disable comments on individual videos or approve comments that appear under their videos. Therefore, we evaluate the proposed change negatively.

Third, concepts such as acting in good faith and exercising due diligence have been introduced to Art. 6. However, we still do not know what is meant by due diligence. These amendments will therefore not increase legal certainty, but may allow platforms to better defend their interests in the event of a dispute by proving that they were acting in good faith.

Considering all the above-stated conclusions and taking into account the efforts of all parties involved in the works on the DSA, supporting this solution seems to be a squandered opportunity to simplify and systematise European law in this specific field.

  1. Changes to the system of reporting and removal of illegal content

Another expectation that the DSA was hoped to fulfil was the regulation of appropriate procedures for reporting and removal of illegal content. The purpose of introducing a new mechanism is to ensure a balance between the protection of freedom of speech and the protection of personal and intellectual property rights. We can therefore observe a similar tension as with the conditional exemption from liability of service providers for user-posted content and the absence of a general obligation to monitor content.

First of all, it should be noted that the European Commission in the draft DSA decided to propose the introduction of a notice-and-action mechanism. Thus, it gave up the narrower obligation to notify and remove illegal content (notice and take down) as well as the wider obligation of the intermediary to control, so that illegal content does not reappear (notice and stay down)[31].

Secondly, it should be noted that the reporting and removal procedure for illegal content only applies to illegal content, not to harmful content. So it can be seen that the DSA maintains the division used thus far in the e-Commerce Directive. Furthermore, Art. 2(g) of the compromise text of the DSA defines illegal content as “any information which, in itself or by its reference to an activity, including the sale of products or provision of services is not in compliance with Union law or the law of a Member State, irrespective of the precise subject matter or nature of that law”. Therefore, the DSA does not provide a definition of illegal content, leaving it a gesture of national law of the Member States[32].

However, this definition raises serious doubts, namely the “reference to an activity” that is illegal. Such an unclear definition may in practice mean that legal content describing illegal activities will be removed. As an example that already raises problems at this point, one can cite the descriptions of activities in war zones and the materials documenting these activities. Naturally, this gives rise to the risk of excessive removal of content posted on the Internet and has serious consequences not only from the perspective of freedom of speech, but also the protection of other values.

Thirdly, the DSA quite precisely defines the elements that should be included in a notice in order for it to be considered a credible message or source of knowledge on which the intermediary’s liability for the content depends within the meaning of Art. 5 of the DSA[33]. Accordingly, upon receipt of the communication, if an intermediary wishes to retain the possibility of conditional exemption from liability, it should immediately proceed to remove illegal content or prevent access to it.

Another doubt arises in this context related to the risk of excessive removal of content. The EC’s proposal required the users to explain the reasons why they consider the content to be illegal. The explanation of the reasons may turn out to be largely subjective in practice. The EC did not require the user to prove the unlawfulness, nor does it foresee any consequences for users for false reports (except for multiple reports in bad faith). In its previous form, the provision did not provide adequate protection to content creators (personal and intellectual property rights) or intermediaries (liability for illegal content). However, the Slovenian Presidency introduced an important amendment here, the so-called requirement that the justification for the illegality of content be “sufficiently substantiated”. While this is a step in the right direction, the rationale is still subject to subjective scrutiny and platforms do not have clear guidelines for their actions, which may create a risk of excessive removal of content.

Consequently, the EC proposal required the intermediary to perform certain actions immediately after receiving a notice, including: “the provider of hosting services shall promptly send a confirmation of receipt of the notice to that individual or entity”[34]; “shall also, without undue delay, notify that individual or entity of its decision in respect of the information to which the notice relates”[35]; “providing information on the redress possibilities in respect of that decision”[36]. The DSA will apply horizontally to all types of online content. Given the multitude of different information and the potential nature of its unlawfulness, it cannot be reasonably expected that intermediaries will make all decisions at the same time. We therefore welcome the replacement by the Slovenian Presidency of “immediately” with “without undue delay”. In any event, burdening intermediaries with excessive liability would undoubtedly lead to excessive removal of legal content and infringement of the rights of their authors.

Ultimately, one should remember that the DSA obliges the intermediary not only to contact the notifier, but also the recipient. Art. 15 sec. 1 DSA states that the intermediary “shall inform the recipient, at the latest at the time of the removal or disabling of access, of the decision and provide a clear and specific statement of reasons for that decision”. The statement of reasons is subject to specific requirements and is to include, among others, the following information:

  • whether the decision entails either the removal of, or the disabling of access to, the information and, where relevant, the territorial scope of the disabling of access;
  • the facts and circumstances relied on in taking the decision;
  • where applicable, information on the use made of automated means in taking the decision;
  • where the decision concerns allegedly illegal content, a reference to the legal ground relied on;
  • where the decision is based on the alleged incompatibility of the information with the terms and conditions of the provider, a reference to the contractual ground relied on[37].

The DSA specifies that the statement of reasons must be sufficiently clear and understandable, and as detailed and precise as is reasonably possible under the circumstances. An additional burden imposed on service providers is the requirement to publish decisions and statements of reasons in an anonymised form in a database managed by the European Commission.

There is no doubt that such detailed and extensive requirements will be counterproductive with regard to the goal that DSA was intended to achieve; that is, reducing the competitive advantage of the largest technology companies and levelling the conditions of competition with larger entities. The largest enterprises in the IT industry have sufficient infrastructure and resources to cope with the requirements described above. However, these obligations will not only be imposed on very large online platforms, but also on smaller platforms. Complicated content monitoring systems will become a kind of entry barrier for new enterprises, which may strengthen the competitive advantage of largest players.

  1. Changes in the context of targeted advertising

Digital advertising plays an important role for Internet users, enterprises selling their products and services online, as well as platforms. It is not surprising, therefore, that it has become an object of interest for regulators. The third and final part of this memorandum examines the changes to digital advertising that have been proposed by the European Commission in the draft DSA, as well as by the European Parliament, namely the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection (IMCO) and the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE).

The European Commission’s proposal

In its DSA proposal, the European Commission notes the important role that digital advertising plays in the online environment, as well as the risks it entails.

Interestingly, recital 52 of the preamble to the draft DSA mentions specific risks associated with digital advertising, i.e. advertisement that is itself illegal content, to contributing to financial incentives for the publication or amplification of illegal or otherwise harmful content and activities online, or the discriminatory display of advertising with an impact on the equal treatment and opportunities of citizens. In the face of these challenges, the EC proposes to make digital advertising more transparent so that users have the information they need to understand when and on whose behalf advertising is displayed. Service recipients should also have information on the main parameters used to determine whether a particular advertisement is to be displayed to them. Recital 63 of the preamble also requires very large online platforms to ensure public access to repositories of advertisements displayed on their online interfaces to facilitate supervision and research into emerging risks brought about by the distribution of advertising online.

IMCO report

A rather different approach was presented by the European Parliament. The IMCO report states that “pervasive collecting and use of users’ data to provide targeted, micro-targeted and behavioural advertising has spiralled out of control”. Furthermore, it finds the EC’s proposed new transparency requirements insufficient.

According to IMCO, ISPs should implicitly ensure that recipients of their services are not subjected to targeted, microtargeted and behavioural advertising unless the recipient has given voluntary, specific, informed and unambiguous consent. In other words, it proposes to introduce a default opt out and the need to obtain the consent of the data subject before processing personal data for targeted advertising.

LIBE opinion

The opinion presented by LIBE suggests that the DSA should provide for the right to use and pay for digital services anonymously. At the same time, LIBE advocates that digital and personalised advertising, for non-commercial and political advertising, be phased out. At the same time, behavioural advertising and personalised targeting in commercial advertising should only be possible if users have voluntarily consented to it, without risking exclusion from services, and without tiresome and repetitive consent banners.

Consequences

Proposals to increase transparency do not seem problematic, but actually desirable. Increasing the transparency of digital services is in the interest of users as well as intermediaries. However, it is apparent that the European Parliament is proposing a very different approach to digital advertising.

Indeed, if the amendment proposals submitted by IMCO and LIBE are included in the final text of the DSA, they will have a huge impact on the functioning of the online environment. It seems that the rapporteurs did not find the right balance between protecting users’ privacy and preserving the functionality or respecting the economic dimension of the Internet. It is primarily users who will suffer from the radical changes to digital advertising, because the model of free use of the Internet will be threatened. At the same time, European companies that sell their content and services online and creators who distribute their works in this manner will suffer. Significantly, for small and medium-sized enterprises, targeted advertising offers an opportunity to rationalise promotional costs. At the same time, the perspective of consumers is also important, for whom the lack of profiling in practice means an increase in spam.

Bearing in mind the above-mentioned arguments, we believe that the EU legislator should take a broader look at the issue of digital advertising, taking due account of the interests of all parties involved.

  1. Conclusions

The Digital Services Act will introduce multiple far-reaching changes to the way all digital market actors operate: the providers of online services, the enterprises that use these services as well as the users. The DSA therefore represents an opportunity to improve competitive conditions and improve the market position of European SMEs. Having analysed the selected changes, we are compelled to conclude that the DSA in its current form does not fulfil this potential. Moreover, many of the proposed changes may even be counterproductive to the goal of improving the competitive situation on the market and lead to the deterioration of the position of smaller entities and the creation of new barriers to entry and expansion. We see these threats from several sources.

First of all, the DSA reproduces the conditional exemption mechanism established in the e-Commerce Directive and with it all the uncertainties that have built up over the 20 years of this directive being in force. In the compromise text presented by the Slovenian Presidency, we find several amendments that could worsen the current situation. The proposed monitoring of comments is technically impossible, and will in any case lead to excessive deletion of content and a restriction of fundamental rights. Moreover, the flawed definition of marketplaces could lead to an unjustified extension of the obligations specific to sales platforms to providers of other online intermediary services. Such a definition would be particularly severe in light of the stricter rules that the European Parliament is attempting to introduce for marketplaces. The introduction of such stricter rules is undesirable, because it differentiates between service providers based on their business model and is a departure from the principle of asymmetric regulation adopted throughout the DSA.

We find minor changes in the DSA, such as clarifying that investigation on one’s own initiative and acting in good faith with due diligence do not result in the loss of the safe harbour. Relative to all the uncertainties that exist, such a change only marginally increases legal certainty. It is also important to remember that the DSA is simultaneously building new regulatory safeguards, which will lead to new interpretive uncertainties and disputes in the future. Therefore, we believe that in this aspect the DSA does not live up to its potential and the EU legislator should put more effort into increasing legal certainty for enterprises active in the digital world.

Secondly, the DSA imposes extremely extensive, yet vague, obligations on digital enterprises to report and remove illegal content. Meeting such requirements will require significant resources from ISPs. As large online platforms have both the infrastructure and capital to adapt to new requirements, the DSA may paradoxically empower very large online platforms and create new barriers to entry and expansion for smaller companies.

Thirdly and finally, the radical changes proposed by the European Parliament in the context of digital advertising seem to ignore the interests not only of European entrepreneurs, who largely base their business models on digital advertising, but also of users who, thanks to digital advertising, can access content for free. If the changes to the DSA are adopted in the form proposed by IMCO or LIBE, we can expect big losses for European entrepreneurs as well as for the users themselves.

 

***

 

[1] Daniil Petrovich Frolov and Anna Victorovna Lavrentyeva, Regulatory Policy for Digital Economy: Holistic Institutional Framework.

[2] Explanatory Memorandum for the draft DSA.

[3] European Commission, Hosting intermediary services and illegal content online – An analysis of the scope of article 14 ECD in light of developments in the online service landscape.

[4] European Commission, Hosting intermediary services and illegal content online – An analysis of the scope of article 14 ECD in light of developments in the online service landscape, page 28.

[5] Ibidem; Sartor, Providers Liability: From the eCommerce Directive to the future; de Streel, Larouche, An Integrated Regulatory Framework for Digital Networks and Services; de Streel, Defreyne, Jacquemin, Ledger, Michel, Innesti, Goubert, Ustowski, Online Platforms’ Moderation of Illegal Content Online; Schulte-Nolke, Ruffer, Nobrega, Wiewórowska-Domagalska, The legal framework for e-commerce in the Internal Market. State of play, remaining obstacles to the free movement of digital services and ways to improve the current situation.

[6] European Commission, Hosting intermediary services and illegal content online – An analysis of the scope of article 14 ECD in light of developments in the online service landscape.

[7] Ibidem.

[8] It is defined in Directive 98/34/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22nd June 1998 laying down a procedure for the provision of information in the field of technical standards and regulations and of rules on Information Society services, and in Directive 98/84/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20th November 1998 on the legal protection of services based on, or consisting of, conditional access.

[9] Judgment of 23rd March 2010, Google France, C-236/08.

[10] Judgment of 12th July 2011, L’Oréal, C-324/09.

[11] Judgment of 16th February 2012, Netlog, C-360/10

[12] Judgment of 13th January 2012, Scarlet Extended, C-70/10.

[13] Judgment of 28th October 2016, McFadden, C-484/14.

[14] Judgment of 20th December 2017, Uber Systems Spain SL, C-434/15; Judgment of 10th April 2018, Uber France SAS, C-320/16.

[15] Ibidem.

[16] European Commission, Hosting intermediary services and illegal content online – An analysis of the scope of article 14 ECD in light of developments in the online service landscape.

[17] Judgment of 31st October 2014, Papasavvas, C-291/13.

[18] Ibidem.

[19] Judgment of 16th February 2012, Netlog, C-360/10.

[20] European Parliament, Liability of online platforms.

[21] Judgment of 8th September 2016, GS Media, C-160/15.

[22] Ibidem.

[23] European Parliament, Liability of online platforms.

[24] Ibidem.

[25] Edwards, Downloading Torts: An English Introduction to On-Line Torts’ in Snijders and Weatherill.

[26] European Parliament, Liability of online platforms.

[27] Joan Barta, The Digital Services Act and the Reproduction of Old Confusions.

[28] Ibidem.

[29] Ibidem.

[30] Ibidem.

[31] TKP, Procedura notice & take action w projekcie Aktu o usługach cyfrowych (Digital Services Act) (Notice and take action procedure in the draft Digital Services Act).

[32] Ibidem.

[33] Art. 14 sec. 2 lists the following elements: (a) an explanation of the reasons why the individual or entity considers the information in question to be illegal content; (b) a clear indication of the electronic location of that information, in particular the exact URL or URLs, and, where necessary, additional information enabling the identification of the illegal content; (c) the name and an electronic mail address of the individual or entity submitting the notice, except in the case of information considered to involve one of the offences referred to in Articles 3 to 7 of Directive 2011/93/EU; (d) a statement confirming the good faith belief of the individual or entity submitting the notice that the information and allegations contained therein are accurate and complete.

[34] Art. 14 sec. 4: “Where the notice contains the name and an electronic mail address of the individual or entity that submitted it, the provider of hosting services shall promptly send a confirmation of receipt of the notice to that individual or entity.”

[35] Art. 14 sec. 5: “The provider shall also, without undue delay, notify that individual or entity of its decision in respect of the information to which the notice relates, providing information on the redress possibilities in respect of that decision.”

[36] Ibidem.

[37] Art. 15 sec. 2 DSA.

 

See more: 17.09.2021 Memorandum on the Digital Services Act

New EU Emissions Trading Scheme – how to mitigate the risks for European consumers and SMEs?

Warsaw, 19 October 2021

 

New EU Emissions Trading Scheme – how to mitigate the risks for European consumers and SMEs?

 

The emissions trading scheme (EU ETS) cannot be regarded as functioning in accordance with the idea of a free market since the underlying mechanisms artificially limit the supply of allowances. In the ETS there are two groups of buyers. First, installations, that need allowances to conduct their business activities. Second, investors, that can substitute allowances for pretty much any other financial instrument. Investors face little to no risk, while installations have to buy EU allowances (EUA) at any price. Moreover, the econometric analysis leads to a conclusion that there is a bubble forming on the EUA prices. These are the key conclusions from the report “EUA price bubbles and competitiveness” published by ZPP.

Today (19/10) ZPP together with SME Connect and European Enterprise Alliance has hosted an online discussion ‘New EU Emissions Trading Scheme – how to mitigate the risks for European consumers and SMEs.’ The keynote speech was delivered by MEP Marian-Jean Marinescu who’s stated that ‘Fit for 55 is one of the most critical legislation packages ever introduced by the European Commission regarding the impact on the people and industry.’

According to Dr Horst Heitz Chair of the European Steering Board of SME Connect, Executive Director SME Europe of the EPP, Fit for 55 ‘is now a one-sided discussion.’ Discussion about growth and jobs should not be separated from the debate about environmental targets. Otherwise, it will be impossible to avoid social consequences.

The reality is that we have two speed Europe. Imbalances can quickly rise if we don’t mitigate these differences. Reducing CO2 emissions is essential yet the current proposal most likely will have negative consequences on citizens and companies in many countries, leading to impoverishment in Southern and Eastern Europe – added Damir Filipovic, Sec-Gen of the European Enterprise Alliance.

Marek Lachowicz, the author of the report on the ETS, stressed that the ETS market structure facilitates the creation of bubbles  and the monetary price drop will not affect it. What’s more concerning is that forcing installation to keep cash in reserves in case of ETS price increase restricts real ways to reduce emission – Lachowicz notes.

The ETS system can be improved, the biggest problem is, however, that the European Commission doesn’t see the problems – concluded Marcin Nowacki, ZPP’s VP.

 

See more: 19.10.2021 Report by the Union of Entrepreneurs and Employers: Forming of bubbles and the competitiveness of the European Union

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